CHAPTER V

THE ANGLO-SAXON CHURCH LEADERSHIP DURING CNUT'S REIGN

The advisors of a medieval English king included both church and lay nobility. Primarily using charter evidence, Simon Keynes showed that Cnut made significant changes among the secular nobility during his reign including the placement of Scandinavians in positions of power. The most prominent among them were Thorkell the Tall who became Earl of East Anglia when Cnut created the four great earldoms in 1017 and Eric of Lade who became Earl of Northumbria when the previous earl, Uhtred, was executed in 1016. When Englishmen later regained prominence, it was new men such as Earl Godwine who rose to power, not the Ealdormen from the previous reign.¹

A similar analysis of charter evidence demonstrates that the English church leaders were treated very differently. Appendix 3 contains tables describing the archbishops, bishops and abbots that signed charters in the last years of Æthelred's reign and during Cnut's reign. The document numbers in the tables are those given by Johannis Kemble.²

ARCHBISHOPS

Canterbury

Archbishop Lyfing, also called Elfstan, held the see of Canterbury when Cnut became king. Lyfing began his monastic career at Glastonbury.³ From 989 to 999, he had served as Abbot of Chertsey, one of the monasteries reformed by Bishop Æthelwold.⁴ Lyfing became bishop of Wells in 999 and succeeded Archbishop Ælfheah after he was murdered by the Danes in 1012.⁵

Lyfing was in exile in Normandy with Æthelred in 1013/1014. The unsettled conditions in England after his return prevented him from going to Rome for his pallium and thus he exercised his position for a considerable length of time without it.⁶ In addition, these conditions hindered the rebuilding of Christ Church in Canterbury that had been burned by the Danes in 1011 and also prevented the re-establishment of its monastic chapter since the facilities for the monks had also been destroyed. Lyfing could do little but repair the roof of his cathedral and restore the sanctuary.⁷

Although Lyfing was appointed by Æthelred, he did not appear on any of Æthelred's charters as archbishop. Ælfheah witnessed document 718 that was dated by Kemble between 1006 and 1012. Lyfing did witness document 719 dated 1012 while he was still bishop of Wells. This charter was probably granted after Ælfheah was captured by the Danes since only Wulfstan of York witnessed as an archbishop. Æthelred's last charter in Kemble was document 723 which was dated internally in 1016. This charter was clearly a forgery since Archbishop Dunstan, who died about 988, appeared in the witness list as an archbishop. Lyfing continued to hold the office of archbishop and witnessed all of Cnut's charters until his death in 1020.⁸

Archbishop Lyfing crowned Edmund Ironside in 1016. After Edmund died in November, Lyfing also crowned Cnut.⁹ The first charter of Cnut in Kemble was granted at the request of Archbishop Lyfing to confirm privileges that Canterbury had previously held. In his letter to the English people in 1020, Cnut referred to a letter he had received from the pope which "Archbishop Lyfing brought me from Rome." .¹⁰ This indicates that Lyfing did get to Rome for his pallium. He probably went in the aftermath of Cnut's conquest to consult with Pope Benedict VIII about the church's position in England and the proper response to the conquest by an alien whose Christianity was questionable.

When Lyfing died in 1020, Æthelnoth was appointed by Cnut to take his place. Æthelnoth had begun his monastic career at Glastonbury and had been Prior of Christ Church Canterbury before he succeeded Lyfing. As the son of Æthelmaer, the Ealdorman of the western shires and a grandson of Æthelweard the historian, Æthelnoth was a member of the Anglo-Saxon royal house.¹¹ He served as Cnut's chief ecclesiastical advisor from the death of Archbishop Wulfstan of York in 1023 until Cnut's own death in 1035.¹² William of Malmesbury added that Æthelnoth acted as an advisor to the Cnut, "encouraging even the king himself in his good actions by the authority of his sanctity, and restraining him in his excesses."¹³

After his appointment, Æthelnoth was consecrated by Archbishop Wulfstan at the request of Cnut and Emma. Wulfstan documented his action in a writ to the royal couple informing them that he had carried out their wishes.¹⁴ Æthelnoth's consecration was necessary since he had not previously been consecrated as a bishop. In his writ, Wulfstan called him "Bishop" Æthelnoth so it appeared that he consecrated him as a bishop.¹⁵ The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle also called him "bishop" in its announcement of Æthelnoth's consecration.¹⁶ In the eyes of the church, it may have taken Cnut's appointment, consecration, and the pallium from the pope to make Æthelnoth an archbishop. In addition to announcing Æthelnoth's consecration, Wulfstan further requested that Cnut grant Æthelnoth the same rights and honors that had belonged to previous archbishops. This was immediately confirmed by Cnut in a writ in which he called Æthelnoth "archbishop."¹⁷

Æthelnoth went to Rome for his pallium in 1022 and was received with honor and consecrated by Pope Benedict VIII. The consecration statement may be in error since Æthelnoth had already been consecrated by Wulfstan. However, there is the question of consecration as bishop as opposed to archbishop in the sources.

And Archbishop Æthelnoth went to Rome, and was there received by Benedict, the venerable pope, with great worship; and he with his own hands, placed the pall upon him, and very honourably hallowed him archbishop and blessed him on the Nones of October (Oct 7). And the archbishop therewith immediately, on the same day sung mass; and then after, with the pope himself, honourably took refection, and also of himself took the pall from St. Peter's altar and then joyfully went home to his own country.¹⁸

After his return from Rome in 1022, Æthelnoth consecrated Gerbrand as bishop of Rothskilde in Denmark. At the same time, he probably also consecrated Bernhard for Scania (Lund) and Reginbert for Fyn.¹⁹ Gerbrand was later captured by Unwan, the Archbishop of Hamberg-Bremen and forced to accept his ecclesiastical supremacy. It appears that Cnut intended to subject the Danish church to Canterbury, but he and Archbishop Unwan later agreed that Hamberg-Bremen would retain its customary supervision of Danish bishops.²⁰

In 1023, Cnut granted Æthelnoth permission to translate the remains of the martyred Ælfheah from St. Paul's in London to Christ Church in Canterbury. A large group of clergy and lay people assisted including Cnut himself in London and Emma and Hardacnut in Canterbury.²¹ It is possible that Cnut allowed this translation to defuse hostility toward Danes in London.²² While pleasing the powerful archbishop and the church at Canterbury, the translation was also "gratifyingly displeasing to [the people] of London."²³

When Cnut dictated his letter to the English people from Rome in 1027, his archbishops, Æthelnoth of Canterbury and Ælfric of York were the only people addressed by name.²⁴ Thorkell the Tall who was addressed in Cnut's 1020 letter died some time after 1023 and no other secular leaders were considered important enough to be addressed personally. According to the Encomiast, Æthelnoth was called to Cnut's bedside at Shaftesbury before he died in 1035. Cnut was concerned that Hardacnut succeed him in England in compliance with his pre-marital agreement with Emma and asked the archbishop to assure that agreement was kept.²⁵ In compliance with that promise Æthelnoth refused to consecrate and crown Harald after he was chosen king by the witan. He also refused to allow any other English bishop to crown him.²⁶

Æthelnoth served both Cnut and the church at Canterbury well. When he died in 1038, Æthelnoth was succeeded by Eadsige, one of Cnut's former chapel priests who had been suffragan bishop of Kent since 1035.²⁷

York

Wulfstan became archbishop of York in 1003. Subsequent to being named archbishop, he had been bishop of London since 996.²⁸ Wulfstan may have had some association with Ely since he was well regarded and was buried there when he died in 1023.²⁹ His bones presently rest in the cathedral of Ely with those of seven other men "of greatest merit."³⁰

As was typical at that time, Wulfstan held the see of Worcester in plurality with York. Leofsige was made bishop of Worcester in 1016, but it appears that Wulfstan considered him a suffragan.³¹ He continued to control land held by Worcester as indicated by his grant of land at Bentley to his brother Elfsige in 1017. Alienation of Worcester property in support of the archbishopric may have been the reason twelfth century monks referred to Wulfstan as "Reprobus."³²

Since so many of the bishops appointed around the turn of the millennium were monastic reformers, it is reasonable to assume that Wulfstan was among them.³³ His recorded actions confirm that assumption. Wulfstan attempted to reform the English church during the difficult reign of Æthelred and continued his reform efforts into Cnut's reign. He was a prolific author of homilies for the edification of the priests under him. These homilies were written in the vernacular so that the less educated secular priests could use them. In addition, Wulfstan was probably associated with the Law of Northumbrian Priests which was an attempt to reform clerical abuses in the North.³⁴ Wulfstan played a significant role in England during the reigns of both Æthelred and Cnut. The laws of both kings were written in a homiletic style that has been identified as Wulfstan's.³⁵ Cnut's association with Wulfstan may have begun at the time he ruled the northern part of England for about a month in Oct/Nov of 1016 before the death of Edmund Ironside. Wulfstan's "Sermon of the Wolf" first delivered in 1014 decried the religious state of the English people, but was anti-Danish enough to show he was not associated with the Danish cause at that time. He considered the Danish army heathen and called them pirates. He also called the tribute paid to that army "shameful."³⁶ Wulfstan's authorship of Æthelred's last law code, VIII Æthelred, also showed he was with Æthelred after he returned from exile following Svein's death in 1014.³⁷

Wulfstan consecrated Æthelnoth after Cnut appointed him Archbishop of Canterbury in 1020. It appeared that Wulfstan was unsure of his right to consecrate an archbishop since he called Æthelnoth "bishop" in his communication with Cnut and Emma afterwards.³⁸ Wulfstan may have refrained from using the title "archbishop" because Æthelnoth had not yet received his pallium, but it is possible that the question regarding archiepiscopal consecration addressed in the English bishop's letter of 1020 to the pope had not yet been decided so that Wulfstan was not sure of his grounds.³⁹

When Ælfric Puttoc succeeded Wulfstan in 1023, Archbishop Æthelnoth blessed him at Canterbury, but he was called "bishop" in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle when it reported his journey to Rome in 1026 to receive his pallium.⁴⁰ Like Æthelnoth, Ælfric was not a bishop when he was appointed to the archiepiscopal see of York, he had been provost of Winchester.⁴¹ Ælfric was in Rome in November 1026 and received his pallium from Pope John XIX.⁴² He was back in England when Cnut traveled to Rome in the spring of 1027 as he was one of the two clerics addressed in Cnut's letter to the English that reported his pilgrimage and its results. Ælfric and Earl Godwin were among those sent by King Hardacnut to desecrate the body of his half-brother, King Harald Harfoot. In 1040, Ælfric accused Earl Godwin and Bishop Lyfing of Worcester of taking part in the murder of the aelthing Alfred. For this, Hardacnut removed Lyfing from Worcester and gave it to Ælfric, but it was returned a year later.⁴³ Ælfric died in 1051 and was buried at Peterborough. The Chronicle reported that he was "a very venerable and wise man."⁴⁴

The archbishops who were the highest leaders of the English church were not adversely affected by Cnut's conquest. Lyfing and Wulfstan remained in office and became Cnut's chief advisors on English affairs, probably along with Thorkell the Tall. When they died, the men that succeeded them were English and had previously held high church office under King Æthelred.

BISHOPS

When Cnut became king of England, he also became the protector and secular leader of an established Christian church in England. As secular leader, he depended on the bishops and archbishops of the church to provide guidance regarding the will of God for both church and state. Since Cnut came from Denmark, a state with a relatively primitive church, he had to rely on his English church leaders for ecclesiastical advice. Cnut continued the policy of appointing monks to high church positions early in his reign, but later began to fill bishoprics with educated secular priests from his own chapel.⁴⁵ Of twenty bishops appointed by Cnut, eleven were known to have been monastic.⁴⁶ Figure 2 in Appendix 4 contains a map of the dioceses of England in 1066. Appendix 4 contains a list of the bishops who served those dioceses during Cnut's reign. The order of the bishoprics is that which Florence used in his list of English bishops.⁴⁷

Rochester

Bishop Godwin of Rochester signed charters during the reigns of both Æthelred and Cnut. Godwin had been captured with archbishop Ælfheah when the archbishop was made prisoner and eventually murdered by the Danes in 1011. Since Godwin continued to witness charters throughout Cnut's reign, he must have been released at some point, but he was not mentioned when Abbot Ælfmær was released soon after they were captured.⁴⁸ It is possible that there were two bishops named Godwin during this period.⁴⁹ Bishop Godwin died about 1045.

London

Ælfwig became bishop of London in 1014. He witnessed Cnut's grant to Ely in 1022. He was succeeded by Ælfweard whom Cnut appointed bishop of London about 1034. Thus Ælfwig served during the last troubled years of Æthelred and through most of Cnut's reign.

Ælfweard had been a monk at Ramsey and was appointed abbot of Evesham by Æthelred in 1014.⁵⁰ He was probably a kinsman of Cnut, but the relationship was not specified.⁵¹ Since his name is English, he may have been related to Cnut's aunt, Gunhild or her husband Ealdorman Pallig who were said to have been killed in Æthelred's Danish purge of 1002.⁵²

Ælfweard found his abbey in disarray when he became abbot in 1014. He was successful in recovering property from Godwin of Lindsey and also was able to resist the claims on Evesham property by the bishop of Worcester.⁵³ Under his leadership Evesham became a frequently visited shrine with relics of St. Ordulf, a missionary to Braband and St. Wigstan, a Mercian martyr who was translated to Evesham by Ælfweard.⁵⁴ King Cnut was a generous benefactor to Evesham while his kinsman was abbot. Ælfweard continued to hold his position as abbot after he became bishop of London. When Harald Harfoot died in 1040, Ælfweard was sent to Flanders to offer Hardacnut the kingdom. He returned to Ramsey in his last years, supposedly as a leper, and died and was buried there in 1044.⁵⁵

Elmham

Ælfgar, called the Alms Giver, became bishop of Elmham in 1001. He had been a Canterbury priest when he was appointed. Ælfgar witnessed two of Æthelred's later charters, one in 1005 and another in 1012.⁵⁶ He was one of the men whose bones were translated into Ely cathedral along with those of Wulfstan in 1154.⁵⁷ He died in 1021 and was succeeded by Ælfwine. The sources differ on the date of succession. A plaque in Norwich cathedral naming the bishops of East Anglia dated Ælfwine's succession in 1016, but the Ely plaque with Ælfgar's bones said that he died in 1021. The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle stated that Ælfgar died on Christmas dawn of 1021, but did not say when Ælfwine had succeeded. A 1021 date for his succession would render invalid a 1019 charter of Cnut's witnessed by Ælfwine as bishop of Elmham unless Ælfgar resigned the bishopric before he died. There are suggestions in Liber Eliensis that Ælfgar may have retired to Ely on or before 1016.⁵⁸ The years 1016 and 1017 were filled with other momentous events so the change of bishops at Elmham might have been missed by the Chronicler.

Ælfwine had been a monk of Ely before he became bishop and he was actively involved in grants to that monastery.⁵⁹ In at least one case, Ælfwine along with Leofric, the abbot of Ely, requested that the monastery be given two estates which Cnut granted in 1022.⁶⁰ Ælfwine, like his predecessor, probably retired to Ely before his death in 1029.⁶¹ Ælfric may have succeeded as early as 1023. An early succession seems to have been indicated by the stories in the Ramsey Chronicle that said Ælfric bought land from unpopular Danes who feared their English laborers. This would have been most likely to happen toward the beginning of Cnut's reign.⁶² Ælfric died in 1038.⁶³

Selsey

Ælmaer had been a monk of Glastonbury and then Abbot of Tavistock from 994 until 1009 when he became bishop of Selsey.⁶⁴ He held that office for most of Cnut's reign. Ælmaer witnessed a charter of Æthelred's as Abbot in 1005 and again as Bishop in 1012. He also witnessed six charters between 1021 and 1031 during Cnut's reign. Ælmaer was succeeded by Æthelric in 1032. Æthelric witnessed half of the remaining charters of Cnut presented by Kemble.⁶⁵ The Anglo-Saxon Chronicle related that Æthelric died within seven days of Archbishop Æthelnoth since he "desired of God that he would not let him live any while after his beloved father Æthelnoth." Ælfric of Elmham and Brihtheah of Worcester died in the same year around Christmas.⁶⁶

Winchester

Ælfsige became bishop of Winchester when Æthelwold "the Younger" died in 1015. His succession was not included in the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, probably because so much else was happening in that year. His succession was recorded by Florence.⁶⁷ Ælfsige witnessed all of Cnut's charters included in Kemble until he died in 1032. He was succeeded by Ælfwine who was originally a monk in the Old Minster of Winchester. Ælfwine had been one of Cnut's chapel priests when he was appointed bishop.⁶⁸ He witnessed all of the remaining charters in Cnut's reign. The archbishops of Canterbury were the only other church leaders who witnessed as many of Cnut's charters as the bishops of Winchester.⁶⁹

Wiltshire (Ramsbury)

Brihtwold was a monk at Glastonbury when he became bishop about 1002.⁷⁰ He held the see of Ramsbury throughout Cnut's reign and into the reign of Edward the Confessor. Though little is known of his administration of the bishopric, he witnessed all but one of Cnut's charters.⁷¹ This indicates that he was well regarded by Cnut, but we do not know why. Brihtwold also witnessed charters of Æthelred in 1005 and 1012.⁷² He was a generous benefactor of Glastonbury and was buried there when he died in 1044. After his death, the see was moved to Old Sarum.⁷³

Sherborne

The succession in the See of Sherborne was somewhat confused during Cnut's reign. Brihtwine became bishop about 1014, but was later expelled by Cnut in favor of Ælmar, who had been a Glastonbury monk and was Prior of St. Augustines in Canterbury from 1006 to 1023.⁷⁴ Ælmar angered the congregation at Sherborne and returned to Canterbury after he went blind some time in the period between 1017 and 1023. This makes his witness of charters during that period questionable.⁷⁵ Ælmar appeared to have retained his position at St. Augustines during the time he served as bishop. Brihtwine was one of the bishops who translated the remains of St. Ælfheah from St. Paul's in London to Canterbury in 1023, so he has to have been restored by that time.⁷⁶ He continued to serve as bishop until 1045.

Wells

Æthelwine had been abbot of Evesham before he became bishop of Wells in 1013. William of Malmesbury described a situation at Wells that was similar to the confusion at Sherborne. In 1017, Æthelwine was ejected in favor of Brihtwine, but was then restored.⁷⁷ This could explain Brihtwine's witness of charters as bishop of Wells before 1027.⁷⁸ Brihtwig became bishop of Wells in 1027 and witnessed charters for the remainder of Cnut's reign. Brihtwig had been abbot of Glastonbury from 1017 until 1027. As Abbot, he witnessed all of Cnut's charters in Kemble between 1018 and 1024. Brihtwig died in 1033 and was succeeded by Cnut's chapel priest, Doduc who was a Lotharingian.⁷⁹

Cornwall

Burhwold became bishop of Cornwall in 1002 and died about 1019. He was the recipient of a grant from Cnut in 1018. This charter was a confirmation of a previous exchange of land between Bishop Burhwold and King Edmund. The land was granted for the lifetime of the bishop free of all service except military and the requirement to pray for Cnut's soul. After Burhwold's death the property was to go to the church of St. German for the support of the community there.⁸⁰

Lyfing, abbot of Tavistock and later bishop of Crediton was Burhwold's nephew. When he became bishop, the see of Cornwall was combined with Crediton.⁸¹ It is not clear what happened to the see in the time between the death of Burhwold in 1019 and the succession of Lyfing in 1027.⁸²

Crediton

Eadnoth became bishop of Crediton in 1008. When he died in 1027, Lyfing, formerly abbot of Tavistock, was consecrated bishop. Lyfing had been a monk of Old Minster in Winchester before becoming abbot in 1009.⁸³ He was well regarded by Cnut and in 1027 accompanied him to Rome. This probably meant that Lyfing was with Cnut in Denmark since they traveled directly from there to Rome. It was Lyfing, still abbot of Tavistock, who delivered Cnut's letter from Rome to England.⁸⁴ On his return to England Lyfing was consecrated bishop. When he became bishop, Lyfing obtained the agreement of the king that the see of Cornwall would be combined with Crediton.⁸⁵ In 1038, Lyfing also received the see of Worcester from King Harald Harfoot. It was taken from him by Hardacnut based on an accusation by Archbishop Ælfric that Lyfing had been involved in the murder of the aelthing Alfred. The bishopric was returned a year later after Lyfing paid the king a large sum of money. Lyfing died in 1046 and was buried at Tavistock.⁸⁶ The D version of the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle noted Lyfing's eloquence and also that he had held three bishoprics.⁸⁷

Hereford

Æthelstan became bishop of Hereford in 1012 and served in that office throughout the reign of Cnut. Æthelstan was listed as a witness of Æthelred's charter in 1016, though that charter was probably a forgery. He also witnessed some of Cnut's charters, one early in his reign and several more in 1033, possibly at a time when Cnut was in the West.⁸⁸ Æthelstan died in 1056 during the reign of Edward the Confessor.

Worcester

Wulfstan held both Worcester and York from the time he became Archbishop of York in 1003.⁸⁹ He appointed Leofsige bishop of Worcester in 1016, but apparently only as suffragan as Wulfstan continued to use the property of the bishopric. ⁹⁰ Before he became bishop, Leofsige had been abbot of Thorney which had been reformed by Bishop Æthelwold of Winchester.⁹¹ After Wulfstan died in 1023, Leofsige became bishop in his own right. Archbishop Ælfric did not have the same control over the resources of the diocese that Wulfstan maintained.

Before becoming bishop of Worcester in 1033, Brihteh had been abbot of Pershore which was reformed by Oswald.⁹² He was a nephew of Archbishop Wulfstan, a relationship that must have aided his advancement.⁹³ He was probably the monk Brihteh who witnessed Wulfstan's covenant with his brother-in-law Wulfric and also a charter in which Ælfweard, abbot of Evesham leased land to Æthelmaer in 1017.⁹⁴ His witness of an Evesham charter may indicate that he had been a monk of that monastery before becoming abbot of Pershore. Brihteh witnessed one of Cnut's charters in 1033 as bishop of Worcester.⁹⁵ Cnut regarded him highly enough in his own right so that he was entrusted to accompany Cnut and Emma's daughter, Gunnhild, when she went to Germany to marry the future king Henry III.⁹⁶ When Brihteh died in 1038 he was succeeded by Lyfing who was already bishop of Crediton and Cornwall.⁹⁷

Litchfield

Godwine had been abbot of Athelney before he became bishop of Litchfield in 1002.⁹⁸ He witnessed one of Æthelred's charters in 1005. In this charter, the witness in question has to have been Godwine of Litchfield since there were two Godwines witnessing this same document.⁹⁹ Bishops of Litchfield did not witness any of Cnut's charters. When Godwin died in 1020, Leofgar was appointed to succeed him. Brihtmaer succeeded Leofgar in 1026. Both Leofgar and Brihtmaer had been Ramsey monks prior to their appointment to the see of Litchfield.

Leicester

All three of the bishops to hold the see of Leicester during this period came from Ramsey. Eadnoth had been the first abbot of Ramsey in 993 and was consecrated bishop in 1006.¹⁰⁰ He witnessed one of Æthelred's charters as Abbot and two as Bishop.¹⁰¹ When Eadnoth died in 1016, Ætheric was appointed to replace him. He witnessed Cnut's charters from about 1021 until 1033 which was the last valid charter of the reign.¹⁰² Ætheric was buried at Ramsey after he died in 1034 and was succeeded by Eadnoth, another Ramsey monk.¹⁰³

Durham

None of the bishops of Durham witnessed charters during this period. After Bishop Aldhun died in 1018, the see was vacant for a time. Florence of Worcester said that the see had been vacant for three years when a priest named Edmund claimed in jest at a synod that he should be made bishop. The bishops took him seriously and elected him to succeed. His selection was miraculously confirmed by St. Cuthbert himself when a voice from the saint's tomb repeated Edmund's name three times as he said mass. A later entry stated that Edmund had been a monk.¹⁰⁴ Edmund was bishop from 1020 until the beginning of the reign of Edward the Confessor in 1042.

ABBOTS

Other than the dates of their abbacies, there is little significant information about abbots who were not later bishops or archbishops.

Some of the church men took an active role in opposition to the Danish armies. Abbot Wulfsige of Ramsey was killed at Ashingdon in 1016 along with many of the English nobility when he went there to give spiritual aid to the English army.¹⁰⁶ Abbot Ælfmaer of St. Augustine has been accused by some of being the Ælfmaer who admitted the Danes to Canterbury in 1011 which resulted in the martyrdom of Archbishop Ælfheah, but since the traitor was never called abbot, that may not be true. It does not seem reasonable that the abbot would want to be released to the English if he had treacherously aided the Danes.¹⁰⁷

Like Æthelred who sent abbot Ælfsige of Peterborough to accompany his family to Normandy, Cnut also used abbots and bishops as foreign messengers and ambassadors. Abbot Ælfstan of St. Augustine met with Henry II while he was at Rome in 1022.¹⁰⁸ Abbot Lyfing of Tavistock delivered Cnut's letter of 1027 to England and Bishop Brihteh was chosen to accompany Gunhild to Germany. Not all of the abbots were intent only on spiritual things. It was said that Abbot Leofsige of Ely would not admit anyone to his monastery unless they were educated and came from a good family so that the monastery might be enriched. ¹⁰⁹

DISCUSSION

Unlike the English Ealdormen who were replaced by foreigners and new men after Cnut came to the throne, a review of the churchmen who were Cnut's advisors and whom he promoted to episcopal and archiepiscopal positions has shown that they were men who had been trained and held office in the English church during the reign of Æthelred. Those bishops and abbots who had not been killed in the unsettled conditions of the invasion retained their positions in the church and leaders such as Archbishop Wulfstan and Archbishop Lyfing became Cnut's chief ecclesiastical advisors, just as they had been under Æthelred. The bishoprics maintained about the same order of importance with minor changes. Based on charter evidence, Cnut's main ecclesiastical advisors were the bishops of Winchester, Rochester, Selsey, Wells and Wiltshire. While Æthelred seemed to favor the bishops of Winchester, Rochester, Hereford and London, Cnut looked to the bishops of Wells and Wiltshire and ignored those of Hereford and London. However, Æthelred did promote Lyfing from Wells to Canterbury so the difference there may simply be the small sample of charters at the end of Æthelred's reign. Cnut's troubles with London in 1015 and 1016 may have led him to distrust their bishop until his kinsman Ælfweard was appointed to the bishopric there.

The charter witness lists indicate that Cnut included the abbots of Glastonbury, Peterborough, Athelney, and Evesham more than others. Since Ælfweard of Evesham was said to be a kinsman of Cnut that would explain his inclusion in witness lists. Abbot Ælfsige of Peterborough was a friend of Queen Emma which may have led Cnut to look to him for guidance.

The church men appointed to high position by Cnut generally had English names and were already in high positions when he became king. The few foreigners that Cnut appointed were late in his reign and had been associated with him as chapel priests before their appointment to higher office.

This review has shown that there were no significant changes in the English church leadership due to the Danish conquest in 1016. The difference between the treatment of the secular and clerical leaders was probably that the Danish church was not well organized so there were no Danish bishops to advise Cnut on church affairs. There were no churchmen with the invading army. The secular leaders of Cnut's army were different. They were powerful men who gave Cnut significant assistance and expected to be rewarded at the expense of English Ealdormen -- and they were.

NOTES

1. Keynes, Simon. "Cnut's earls." In The Reign of Cnut: King of England, Denmark and Norway, Alexander Rumble, ed., Studies in the Early History of Britain Series (London: Leicester University Press, 1994), pp. 43-88. RETURN

2. Johannis M. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus Aevi Saxonici, Tomus III, Publications of the English Historical Society (Londini: Sumptibus Societatis, MDCCCXLV; reprint, Vaduz: Kraus, 1964) and Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, Tomus IV. RETURN

3. William of Malmesbury, The Antiquities of Glastonbury, Frank Lomax, trans., (Llanerch: J.M.F. Books, facsimile reprint, 1992), p. 112. RETURN

4. Darlington, "Ecclesiastical Reform," p. 392. RETURN

5. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1012, 1013. RETURN

6. Lamb, The Archbishopric of Canterbury, p. 218. RETURN

7. Ibid. RETURN

8. For charter information see Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, Tomus III & Tomus IV. RETURN

9. Lamb, The Archbishopric of Canterbury, p. 220; Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Living". RETURN

10. "Cnut's Letter to the people of England (1019-1020)," in Whitelock, English Historical Documents, p. 415. RETURN

11. George Smith, The Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Æthelnoth". RETURN

12. Darlington, "Ecclesiastical Reform," p. 392. RETURN

13. Giles, William of Malmesbury, p. 202. RETURN

14. F. E. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, The Ward Bequest ([Manchester]: Manchester University Press, [...]),No. 27, pp. 182-3. RETURN

15. Ibid. RETURN

16. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1020. RETURN

17. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, No 29, p. 184. RETURN

18. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1022. RETURN

19. Adam of Bremen, History of the Archbishops, ii, 53. RETURN

20. Ibid. RETURN

21. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1023. RETURN

22. Lawson, Cnut, p. 141. RETURN

23. Ibid., p. 142. RETURN

24. "Cnut's Letter of 1027," in Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 416-8. RETURN

25. Lamb, The Archbishopric of Canterbury, p. 226. RETURN

26. Campbell, Encomium Emmae, iii, 1. RETURN

27. Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Eadsige". RETURN

28. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 996. RETURN

29. Dom David Knowles, C. N. L. Brooke, and Vera C. M. London, The Heads of Religious Houses: England and Wales, 940-1216 (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1972), pp. 44-6. RETURN

30. The full inscription above their bones in Ely Cathedral reads, "Sub conduntur ossa VII virorium de Eliensibus optime meritorum, ad Ecceles Cathedralum solemniter translata MCLIV; Postea in boreali partiete nuperi chori inclusa; Tandem hoc in scello capulae quaequa suae reddita Prid. Cal. Aug MDCCLXXI Requiesiant!" The names of the seven men are Wlstanus, Asmundus, Alwinus, Aelfgarus, Ednothus, Athelstanus and Brithnothus. RETURN

31. Dorothy Whitelock, "Wulfstan's Authorship of Cnut's Laws," English Historical Review 70 (1955), p. 84. RETURN

32. Atkins, "The Church at Worcester," p. 15. Reprobus is related to the verb reprobare which means to reject, disapprove, or condemn. A reasonable English translations would be "old reprobate." RETURN

33. Darlington, "Ecclesiastical Reform," p. 392. RETURN

34. "The Law of Northumbrian Priests," in Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 434-9. RETURN

35. Lawson, "Archbishop Wulfstan and the Homiletic Element," pp. 565-86; Whitelock, "Wulfstan's Authorship of Cnut's Laws," pp. 72-85. RETURN

36. "The Sermon of the Wolf to the English," in Dorothy Whitelock, ed., English Historical Documents, pp. 854-9. RETURN

37. M. K. Lawson, "Archbishop Wulfstan and the Homiletic Element," 565-86. RETURN

38. Harmer, Anglo-Saxon Writs, No. 27, p. 183. See comments above. RETURN

39 "Writ from Wulfstan ... to King Cnut and Queen Ælfgifu ...," and "Part of a Letter of Protest from the Bishops of Britain to the Pope," in Whitelock, et al, Councils and Synods, pp. 441-8. RETURN

40. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1023 and 1026. RETURN

41. Forester, Florence of Worcester s.a. 1023. RETURN

42. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1026. RETURN

43. George Smith, The Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Ælfric". RETURN

44. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1050, 1052. RETURN

45. Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, p. 65, 70. RETURN

46. Ibid., pp. 697-700. RETURN

47. Florentii Wigorniensis Monachi, Chronicon Ex Chronicis, Tomus I, Benjamin Thorpe, ed., Publications of the English Historical Society (Londini: Sumptibus Societatis, MDCCCXLVIII; reprint, Vaduz: Kraus, 1964), Appendix. RETURN

48. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1011. RETURN

49. William George Searle, Anglo-Saxon Bishops, Kings and Nobles (Cambridge: At the University Press, 1899), pp. 22-3. RETURN

50. Smith, The Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Ælfweard." RETURN

51. Beech, "England and Aquitaine," p. 82. RETURN

52. Larson, Canute the Great, pp. 39-40. RETURN

53. Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Ælfweard." RETURN

54. Beech, "England and Aquitaine, p. 82. RETURN

55. Smith, The Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Ælfweard." RETURN

56. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No 714 and 719. RETURN

57. See Note 30 above. RETURN

58. Blake, Liber Eliensis, pp. 142-4. RETURN

59. Searle, Anglo-Saxon Bishops, p. 50. RETURN

60. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 734. RETURN

61. Blake, Liber Eliensis, p. 151. RETURN

62. Dunn, Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis, pp. 140, 143. RETURN

63. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1038. RETURN

64. Malmesbury, Antiquities of Glastonbury, p. 112; C. R. Hart, The Early Charters of Northern England and the North Midlands, Studies in Early English History (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1975), p. 253. RETURN

65. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 746 and 751. RETURN

66. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1038. RETURN

67. Forester, Florence of Worcester, s.a. 1015. RETURN

68. Larson, Canute the Great, p. 312. RETURN

69. See Tables 2, 3, 5 and 6 of Appendix 3. RETURN

70. Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Brihtwold." RETURN

71. See Appendix 3, Table 4. RETURN

72. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 714 and 719. RETURN

7 3. Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Brihtwold." RETURN

74. Darlington, "Ecclesiastical Reform," p. 393. RETURN

75. The charters involved are Kemble, Codex, No. 728, 730 and 734. RETURN

76. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1023. RETURN

77. Malmesbury, Antiquities of Glastonbury, p. 104. Brihtwine had been abbot of Glastonbury for ten years prior to his appointment to the see of Wells. RETURN

78. Searle, Anglo-Saxon Bishops, pp. 92-5. Searle indicated there may have been two periods when Brihtwine was in office, once from 1015 to 1016 and a second time from 1023 to 1025. The charter he may have witnessed at that time was Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 739 in 1023. However, this could have been Brihtwine of Sherborne as well and it is shown that way on Table 6 in Appendix 3. RETURN

79. Ortenberg, The English Church and the Continent, p. 58. RETURN

80. "Grant by King Cnut of lands at Landrake and Tinnel, Cornwall, to Burhwold, bishop of Cornwall, ...," in Whitelock, English Historical Documents, pp. 551-3. RETURN

81. Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Living." RETURN

82. Searle, Anglo-Saxon Bishops, pp. 102-3. Searle does not record anyone holding the see from 1019 to 1027. It may have been vacant during that time. RETURN

83. Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Living." RETURN

84. Forester, Florence of Worcester, s.a. 1031. RETURN

85. Smith, Dictionary of National Biography, s.v. "Living." This article said that Lyfing obtained the agreement that when his Uncle Burhwold died, the sees would be combined. This seems unlikely since Burhwold died in 1019 and Lyfing did not become bishop of Crediton until 1027. It seems more likely that the see of Cornwall was vacant, or perhaps Lyfing received Cornwall earlier which would explain his witness of Cnut's charter in 1026 as a bishop. RETURN

86. Ibid. RETURN

87. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1044(1045). RETURN

88. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 723, 736, 749 and 752. RETURN

89. See Wulfstan Archbishop of York above for a better description of Wulfstan's career. RETURN

90. Atkins, "The Church at Worcester," p. 14. RETURN

91. Darlington, "Ecclesiastical Reform," p. 393. RETURN

92. Ibid. RETURN

93. Lawson, Cnut, p. 123. RETURN

94. Atkins, "The Church at Worcester," p. 16. RETURN

95. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 751. RETURN

96. Atkins, "The Church at Worcester," p. 17. RETURN

97. See above. RETURN

98. Hart, Early Charters of Northern England, p. 339. RETURN

99. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 714. RETURN

100. Dunn, Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis, p. 339. RETURN

101. Kemble, Codex Diplomaticus, No. 714, 719 and 723. RETURN

102. Ibid., No. 734, 736, 740, 744, 746 and 752. RETURN

103. Dunn, Chronicon Abbatiae Rameseiensis, p. 339. RETURN

104. Forester, Florence of Worcester, s.a. 1020 and 1025. RETURN

105. Knowles, The Heads of Religious Houses, passim. RETURN

106. Knowles, The Monastic Order in England, p. 67. RETURN

107. Anglo-Saxon Chronicle, s.a. 1011. RETURN

108. Ortenberg, English Church and the Continent, p. 150. RETURN

109. Larson, Canute the Great, p. 123. RETURN